ANEMS 3. Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies 3. Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies 3. 12 € 2700 Ft The series Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies, issued by the Department of Ancient History, the University of Pécs, will be devoted to questions of social, economic and cultural connections between the Ancient Near East and the Mediterranean, from the beginnings of mankind down to the Islamic expansion. ANEMS will attempt to approach its subject matter from the most varied point of use, embracing historical, linguistic and archaeological disciplines alike, covering all the areas and historical periods of the Ancient Near East (including Ancient Eg ypt) and the Mediterranean Mobility and Transfer – Studies on Ancient Economy Mobility and Transfer Studies on Ancient Economy Mobility and Transfer Studies on Ancient Economy edited by Tibor Grüll ISBN 978-963-414-485-4 Universiy of Pécs Department of Ancient History | Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies | Volume 3 series editors zoltán csabai and tibor grüll department of ancient history university of pécs M obility and Transfer Studies on Ancient Economy edited by tibor grüll university of pécs, hungary — l'harmattan, hungary Department of Ancient History, The University of Pécs L'Harmattan, Budapest 2018 Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies edited by Zoltán Csabai and Tibor Grüll Volume 3 Supporters: University of Pécs Economies of the Ancient World Research Group © Authors of the papers © Tibor Grüll (editor) © L’Harmattan L’Harmattan France 7 rue de l’École Polytechnique 75005 Paris Tel.: 33-1-40467920 ISBN 978-963-414-485-4 ISSN 2062-0667 All rights reserved. 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Tel.: +36-1-267-5979 harmattan@harmattan.hu www.harmattan.hu Graphic design: Krisztina Csernák and Péter Nemes Printed by Robinco Ltd. – Manager: Péter Kecskeméthy Contents Foreword from the Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Ancient Near East Földi, Zsombor József: Transport of Barley in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia: A new Text from Larsa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Csabai, Zoltán: Antedated Paying of Interest in the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid Periods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17 Hodossy-Takács, Előd: Economic Impact from the Border Zone: A Case Study from the Southern Levant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Ancient Greece Patay-Horváth, András: Doric Temples in southern Arcadia – Who built them and why? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Roman Empire Gabler, Dénes: Der Weg der Ware von der Werkstatt bis den Verbraucher . . . . . 75 Takács, Levente: Empty lands in the Roman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Grüll, Tibor: From knowledge transfer to transplantation. Economic role of medical plants in the Roman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Lehrer, Nándor: Aquileia’s “small world”. Network theory and ‘gravity model’ – a methodological survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Pannonia and the Barbaricum Radman-Livaja, Ivan: Roman Siscia and its textile industry: hazards and limits of epigraphic evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Torbágyi, Melinda: Coin use in the rural settlements of Pannonia . . . . . . . . . . 171 Król, Dagmara: Case studies for the occurrences of Roman jewellery in Central European Barbaricum in the first centuries of our era. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Foreword from the Editor The Economies of the Ancient World Research Group has been established at the Department of Ancient History (University of Pécs) which is a unique institution in the higher education of Hungary. The idea of raising a research group was formed on the Department of Ancient History after the tragic death of our former head of department, Prof. Dr. Péter Vargyas (1950–2009) the internationally renowned scholar of monetary history. The research group was officially established in 2013 and its main function is to organize biennial conferences on the topic of ancient economic history (2011, 2013, 2015, 2017). Our last conference in 2017 was exceptional, on the one hand because we could welcome two guest from foreign countries (Croatia and Poland), on the other because all conference lectures have been presented in English (with one exception which was delivered in German). Beside the biennial conferences our department publishes a book series Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies (edited by Zoltán Csabai and Tibor Grüll). The first volume of this series was the collected papers of Péter Vargyas: From Elephantine to Babylon. Selected Studies of Péter Vargyas on Ancient Near Eastern Economy, edited by Zoltán Csabai, Pécs: University of Pécs, Department of Ancient History; Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2010. (Ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean Studies vol. 1.) pp. 303, ISBN 978-963-236-310-3. We strongly hope that this issue of our latest conference proceedings will contribute to increase publicity of the Hungarian studies of antiquity in general, and will make stronger connections with other research groups and projects of ancient economy in particular. Tibor Grüll Head of Department of Ancient History Institute of History, University of Pécs Ivan radman-Livaja R oman Siscia and its textile industry: hazards and limits of epigraphic evidence Lead tags from Siscia The Roman textile industry has been the subject of numerous scientific papers and monographs since the 19th century, and this extensive bibliography includes both publications dealing with certain specific aspects of this craft as well as general overviews.1 There were not many monographic overviews as a matter of fact, but this is quite understandable. It is a particularly vast and complex subject, en1 Transscription of some of the lead tags from Siscia An exhaustive bibliography would be beyond the scope of this paper, but some of the relevant bibliographical references ought to be mentioned nonetheless. As far as sheep-rearing and wool production are concerned, see Moeller 1976; Frayn 1984; Jongman 2000, 187-197; Borgard&Puybaret 2004, 47-52. For weaving and weaver’s craft see Blümner 1912, 135-170; Forbes 1956, 172-245; Wipszycka 1965, 47-128; Wild 1970, 41-58, 61-78; Roche-Bernard 1993, 77-102 ; Wild 2002, 10-12. For dyeing see Blümner 1912, 225-259; Wilson 1938, 6-13; Forbes 1956, 98-141; Wipszycka 1965, 145-156; Wild 1970, 79-82; Roche-Bernard 1993, 103-116; Alfaro Giner 1996, 823-836; Uscatescu 1994, 93-149; Borgard 2002, 55-65; Wild 2002, 7-8; Cardon 2003; Borgard&Puybaret 2004, 52-57; Macheboeuf 2004, 137-143. For fulling see Pernier 1906, 316-323; Blümner 1912, 170-190; Brewster 1917, 20-22; Wilson 1938, 27-30; Forbes 1956, 81-94; Wipszycka 1965, 129-145; Pietrogrande 1976; Römer-Martijnse 1990, 235-244; Roche-Bernard 1993, 117-124; Uscatescu 1994, 43-89; De Ruyt 2001, 185-191 ; Flohr 2011a, 229-234; Flohr 2011b, 87-100; Flohr 2013. For clothing and textile production in general see Brewster 1917, 74-77, 80-82; Loane 1938, 33-37, 69-77; Johannesen 1954, 157-160; Jones 1960 , 183-192; Wild 1970; Moeller 1976 , 4-28; Croom 2000; Vicari 2001; Carrié 2004 , 13-27; Médard&Borgard&Moulhérat 2011, 83-90; Dross-Krüpe 2016, 334-348. For the distribution of textile goods see Loane 1938 , 128-133; Frayn 1984, 154-171; Greene 1986, 79-80; van Minnen 1986, 88-95; Deniaux 1995, 195-206; Wild 1999, 29-37; Greene 2000, 752-754; Harris 2000, 724-725; Wild 2000, 209-213; Wild 2002, 27-32; Vicari 2001, 70-73, 86-91; Carrié 2004, 27-35; Alcock 2008, 683-684; Cherry 2008, 731, 740; Jongman 2008, 609-610; Kehoe 2008, 564-566, 568-569; Morley 2008, 571, 577; Rathbone 2008, 707, 709; Dross-Krüpe 2012, 13-18; Liu 2012, 19-28. 154 ◆ Roman Siscia and its textile industry compassing many more or less related topics, ranging from technical aspects such as sheep rearing, wool processing, production facilities as well as tools, garments fabrication, dyeing or fulling to matters such as wool and garment trade, textile industry production centres, professional and social life of craftsmen, economical and social impact of the textile industry on the local and regional level, etc. Thus, even monographs tend to be of limited scope in order to focus primarily on aspects of higher interest to the authors. This short paper would belong to the category of publications dealing with specific aspects since it mostly concerns the assessment of the magnitude and extent of the textile craft in one Pannonian town, namely Siscia, based on the epigraphic evidence. I tackled this issue briefly in my monograph about the lead tags from Siscia, but it seemed pertinent to elaborate further that matter for this occasion.2 Until recently Siscia was never taken into consideration for any treatise about Roman textile industry. Quite justifiably, as a matter of fact: the city yielded only one relevant epigraphic monument3 – and far from being particularly significant – no production facilities have been excavated, not a single tool or implement related to the textile craft has been published yet, not to mention that Siscia has never been mentioned by any ancient source as a noteworthy textile production centre. However, the recent publication of over one thousand lead tags found in the harbour of Siscia has revealed the existence of fulling and dyeing facilities in that Pannonian town.4 Looking at the sheer quantity of tags related in their vast majority to the crafts of dyers and fullers might make you wonder about the extent of textile craft activities in Siscia. Indeed, one would be tempted to start considering Siscia as an important textile production centre, at least on the regional level since no Pannonian city has yielded such a number of inscriptions related to textile crafts. As a matter of fact, one might even claim that no city in the western part of the Empire possesses as much epigraphic evidence directly related to the textile industry.5 This is an undeniable fact, but can it be considered as a valid argument when one conjectures about the extent and importance of textile industry in Sis- Ivan Radman-Livaja cia? This is basically the question I will do my best to answer. On the one hand, we have an impressive number of inscriptions at our disposal, short and very technical in nature but incontestably related to fulling and dyeing activities. On the other hand, other evidence is mostly lacking. Ancient sources provide a fair deal of data about textile production, but not a single Roman author mentions Siscia in that context. Pliny, writing in the second half of the 1st century AD, i.e. during the period when most lead tags from Siscia could be dated,6 discusses quite extensively topics such as wool processing and garments production, but he never mentions Siscia or the surrounding region as a matter of fact. The same observation stands for other authors as well.7 As far as the sources are concerned, Dalmatia, more particularly the region of Liburnia, as well as Histria (part of the Regio X) are geographically the closest areas where wool and textile production appear to have been rather important, or at least not inconsequent economic activities. However, assessing the exact extent of this production relying solely on Pliny’s words about the wool from Histria and Liburnia (Plin., Naturalis Historia, VIII, 73), Martial’s epigram about Liburnian mantles (XIV, 139) or few mentions of Dalmatian woollen tunics in the Historia Augusta8 would be quite a futile task. At best, we may assume that Dalmatian wool production was renowned enough to be mentioned from time to time by Roman authors. While this likely implies the existence of a developed textile craft in certain parts of the province of Dalmatia, it does not mean much as far as our topic is concerned. A. Mócsy, while discussing the lead tags from Siscia kept in the National Museum in Budapest (the first article devoted to this material as a matter of fact), expressed the idea that Siscia could have been one of the outlets for Dalmatian wool.9 His hypothesis was far from being unsound. After all, Siscia, as a large city, not far from the border with Dalmatia and a major crossroad on the main land communication between the western and eastern parts of the Empire, as well as an important river harbour, appears as a natural market and distribution centre for Radman-Livaja 2014, 144-147 Škegro 1999, 203 8 Historia Augusta, Commodus, VIII, Pertinax, VIII, Claudius, XVII; the popularity of this garment, the so called dalmatica, is confirmed by Diocletian’s Edict on Maxium Prices of 301 AD (Edict. Diocl. 19, 9.15; 22, 8.12; 29, 12. 15. 17) although it appears clearly that by his time it was a generic term which did not necessarily imply production within Dalmatia. 9 Mócsy 1956, 103-104 6 Radman-Livaja 2014, 148-151. 3 CIL III 10836; AIJ 528; Liu 2009, 382, cat. 228. 4 Radman-Livaja 2007, 153-172; Radman-Livaja 2011, 181-196; Radman-Livaja 2013, 87-108; Radman-Livaja 2014; Radman-Livaja 2016, 169-187; Radman-Livaja&Lučić 2017, 79-90; Radman-Livaja 2018, 397-423; see also Brunšmid 1901, 124-125; Mócsy 1956, 97-104; Koščević 2000, 95–101. 5 For a list of inscriptions mentioning textile craftsmen see Vicari 2001, 94-115. 2 ◆ 155 7 156 ◆ Roman Siscia and its textile industry Dalmatian wool. There is no doubt that quite a few Siscian lead tags mention wool or fleece,10 but are they really evidence for wool trade on a large scale? I do not think so: quantities mentioned on the lead tags are small, prices are far from being exorbitant11 and the weights, when they are stated, are low as well. There are at least three instances when the abbreviation POND – most certainly (libra) pond(o) - appears clearly on the tags and the respective weights are 2, 6 and 17 pounds.12 The abbreviation P likely stands for (libra) pond(o) in many cases as well.13 The numbers which follow the abbreviation P are generally low, ranging from 1 to 12, perhaps slightly more, up to 18 in more dubious cases. As a matter of fact, in most cases the numbers are seldom superior to 4. Since a Roman pound weighted 324 grams, one may easily conclude that the merchandise in question rarely weighted more than 2 kg and seemingly never exceeded 5-6 kg in weight.14 It would seem that the largest weights appear on tags classified in the groups 3 and 6,15 i.e. tags whose inscriptions are related to wool and fleece, but these nonetheless appear to be quantities barely sufficient for the fabrication of several pieces of garment and certainly not large bundles or packages.16 It does not seem likely that wool traders packed their goods in such small packs, especially if they had long distance trade in mind. As far as the lead tags from Siscia are concerned, we are clearly not within the frame of a large scale business, be it wool trade or garment production. It must have been a business activity in a different register, i.e. a craft intended to provide services - in all probability fulling and cleaning as well as dyeing - mostly for single clients or at most small groups of customers, such as families for instance.17 Notwithstanding the sheer number of inscriptions, a closer look shows that they cannot be considered as the ultimate argument while conjecturing about large scale textile industrial activities in Siscia. This is hardly surprising: as already pointed out, one would expect Siscia to be somehow mentioned in the sources if it really was an important textile production centre. In this regard Illyricum in general and Pannonia in particular are not absent from the written sources. Nori10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Radman-Livaja 2014, 64-65, 67-68. Radman-Livaja 2014, 91-98, 115-116. Radman-Livaja 2014, cat. 04.08; 19.56; 06.06. Radman-Livaja 2014, 83. Radman-Livaja 2014, 102-103. Radman-Livaja 2014, 29. Radman-Livaja 2014, 103-104, 108. Radman-Livaja 2014, 105-110. Ivan Radman-Livaja ◆ 157 cum also appears to have possessed a substantial textile industry, at least in the late Antiquity – although one may presume that production facilities and traditions were far more ancient – but south-western Pannonia with Siscia as its main urban centre remains utterly unremarkable as a textile producing area.18 The closest Pannonian city recorded as a textile production centre in the Edictum Diocletiani is Poetovio.19 It is quite telling: although Siscia certainly was an urban centre whose importance reached far beyond provincial boundaries, its textile industry facilities were not even deemed worthy to be recorded in the Edict. It should also be pointed out that epigraphic and figural stone monuments provide almost no data about the textile industry in Siscia. Such evidence is far from being scant in certain areas of the Empire, especially in Italy and Gaul,20 but the fact is that nothing similar has been found in Siscia. It might be due to chance, or to the lack of it, after all. Only slightly more than one hundred epigraphic stone monuments have been found in Siscia, but no monuments yielding some light upon textile craftsmen or textile traders from Siscia have been discovered. There is only one monument, dated to the 3rd century, which might point towards ties existing between the city elite and the textile craftsmen,21 an altar devoted to Hercules by the decurio of Siscia and his sister. Caius Ingenuius Rufinianus, besides being decurio coloniae Septimiae Siscianorum Augustae and quaestor rei publicae, is explicitly mentioned as the praefectus collegii centonariorum. Ingenuius Rufinianus was obviously a member of the city elite and we may reasonably presume that the centonarii were looking forward to have such a prominent patron, but we may only conjecture about Rufinianus’ personal involvement in the textile craft and trade. He may have had some business interests in the textile industry but claiming that some of the most influential families in Siscia were from the textile craftsmen milieu would be quite farfetched. In any case, having an important municipal magistrate as a praefectus was a fairly common occurrence for collegia centonariorum in Pannonian cities and we may suppose that praefectus collegii was an honorary title granted by a given collegium to leading political personalities in their respective communities. We may even Vicari 2001, 62-64; Liu 2009, 155; Gostenčnik 2013, 60-82. Edictum Diocletiani 19.67; Lauffer 1971, 158; Giacchero 1974, 178. 20 Reddé 1978, 44-48; Schwinden 1989, 279-318; Larsson Lovén 2000, 235-239; Young 2000, 215-232; Liu 2013, 126-139. 21 CIL III 10836; AIJ 528; Liu 2009, 382, cat. 228; for the collegia centonariorum and the textile industry see Perry 2006, 7-18; Liu 2009, 57-96, 295-301. 18 19 158 ◆ Roman Siscia and its textile industry speculate that according to the regional custom the title praefectus could have been somehow synonymous to the title of patronus collegii.22 Be it as it may, this votive altar provides no real clues about the extent and economic importance of the textile trade and industry in Siscia. Nonetheless, it points to the fact that textile craftsmen in Siscia were sufficiently numerous to need organising a guild. This is, after all, hardly surprising. The production of textiles certainly was one of the most important economic activities in the Roman world, preceded only by agriculture and food production and, perhaps, construction. Thus, the discovery of lead tags related to textile craft in Siscia should not be regarded as a total surprise. They are clear evidence for the presence of fullonicae and tinctoriae in the town, but this is absolutely to be expected for an urban centre of that size. While those lead tags are a first rate epigraphic source, the data they provide should not be overestimated, especially as far as the scope of the local textile industry is concerned. As one of the main cities in Pannonia, its dwellers certainly had access to services provided by fullers and dyers, just like in any urban settlement of the Roman Empire. A local textile production must have existed as well, if only to cover the elementary needs of the population. In regard to levels of textile production in the Roman world, I would follow H. W. Pleket who distinguished three different categories. On the first level, he distinguished what would be a purely local production, meant to cover the basic needs of populations living in smaller settlements. The second level would concern larger urban centres where textile craftsmen could cover most requirements of their customers, even beyond the city limits, i.e. on the regional level. However, the production of those centres was of no real interest to a larger market and did not reach customers further away. At last, Pleket defined a third category, i.e. cities and regions whose textile production (both wool and garments) enjoyed a high reputation and was thus widely exported. As a matter of fact, the high-output production of such centres was mostly destined to be sold all over the Empire, or at least in the neighbouring provinces, i.e. over a wider area. This straightforward and unequivocal definition covers obviously a more complex reality. The way how those production centres were integrated to commercial circuits varied a lot, depending on many factors. Obviously, the purely local and small output production facilities could only supply their respective communities. The diversity of the garments must also have 22 Liu 2009, 155-156. Ivan Radman-Livaja ◆ 159 been quite limited and this category of production facilities was not likely to be integrated into any kind of commercial circuit. However, the second category, i.e. craftsmen and producers from larger urban centres could have been working for a larger market, and some certainly did. Those regional commercial circuits varied in size, depending on local circumstances, but some producers and traders may have been catering to the needs of a large circle of customers over a fairly broad area. Some could even engage occasionally in interregional trade of textile goods, i.e. sell their goods to customers from other, more or less distant provinces, although this kind of long range trade must usually have been the preserve of large production centres which primarily worked for export and played the main role in the long distance commercial circuits.23 Considering the size, as well as the importance of Siscia as an urban centre, we can plausibly assume that the city may be considered as belonging to the second category of textile production centres according to Pleket. Thus, Siscia was likely a regional production and trade centre in regard to wool and garments trade. As already pointed out, this industry was most probably far from gaining an Empire wide distinction, but it could unquestionably supply to the needs of the local market, quite possibly on a regional level. This is not a mere common sense assumption. Indeed, the local craftsmen must have been numerous and skilled enough to provide a wide range of garments and services but this conjecture is not only based on the fact that Siscia was the most important Pannonian urban centre south of Poetovio and west of Sirmium. When you look at the many types of garments mentioned on the tags24 and when you consider the variety of colours local dyers were using,25 we may soundly conclude that textile craftsmen in Siscia were able to provide a decent range of goods and services for what might be considered a rather demanding clientele. If the abbreviations AND, ANDA and ANDAV were correctly interpreted,26 it would appear that services provided by Siscian textile craftsmen, especially dyers and fullers, were requested by customers from a wider area too. Presumably, all the smaller settlements in south-west Pannonia likely had a few craftsmen able to produce basic garments or provide services such as fulling, perhaps dyeing as well, but even in municipia such as Andautonia customers could not expect getting a similar range Pleket 1988, 25-37; Pleket 1998, 117-128; Carrié 2004, 27-30. Radman-Livaja 2014, 63-68. 25 Radman-Livaja 2014, 68-76. 26 Radman-Livaja 2014, 76-78. 23 24 160 ◆ Roman Siscia and its textile industry of services as in Siscia, where the needs and requirements of most of the consumers, except for the richest ones, could have been satisfied. The textile production of Siscia was most probably not meant to be exported on a large scale – it would have been mentioned somehow in the sources otherwise - but the largest industrial and trade centre in south-west Pannonia could surely supply the regional market and cover a sizeable part of the local needs as far as clothing is concerned.27 The lead tags provide a fair amount of data about the textile craft and they are, after all, clear evidence that textile craftsmen were well implanted in Siscia. However, I doubt that they may provide an unequivocal insight into the extent of the textile industry there. The inscriptions do not point towards a large scale trade and they were certainly not meant to be attached to bulky bundles of wool or garments sold to wholesalers and transported far away.28 While they are not of much help if one intends hypothesising about Siscia as a major wool processing or clothing production centre, they nonetheless confirm that the city had fairly developed facilities for amenities related to textile crafts, although we are still lacking reliable data about the number or size of such facilities. Without excavations and tangible archaeological evidence, we are basically incapable to answer the question how many officinae lanifricariae, tinctoriae, infectoriae, fullonicae, officinae fullonum or textrinae could have existed in Siscia.29 The Siscian tinctores and offectores could provide a large range of dyes to their clients – as shown by the tags – but how many such shops could have been active there in the 1st or early 2nd century AD simply escapes us. As pointed out by M. Flohr in the case of Pompeii, the presence of numerous fullonicae within a city is not to be necessarily regarded as proof for a developed textile industry but rather as evidence for consumption.30 The Roman society was used to many amenities and being able to regularly clean clothes or dye them was part of the services to be expected in every Roman urban settlement. While this does not exclude the possibility that some of these establishments could have been economically related to the textile production on a larger scale,31 one Radman-Livaja 2014, 150-151. Schwinden 1989, 302–304; Roche-Bernard 1993, 137; Larsson Lovén 2000, 237-238; Young 2000, 227; Jacques&Hoët-Cauwenberghe 2010, 313-314. 29 For instance, the city of Pompeii had at least 12 fullonicae, 12 officinae lanifricariae (Flohr 2011a, 230), 6 tinctoriae, 6 textrinae and 4 officinae coactiliariae (Römer-Martijnse 1990, 245-254; Flohr 2011a, 230-231); see also Flohr 2013, 181-241, especially 229-234; Dross-Krüpe 2016, 340-342. 30 Flohr 2011a, 231-234; Flohr 2013, 57-79, 87-90 31 Although this does not seem very likely, see Flohr 2013, 79-84. 27 28 Ivan Radman-Livaja ◆ 161 should rather regard them as part of the standard facilities available to city dwellers in the Roman world. In this regard, we may say the larger the settlement, the higher the number of fullonicae and tinctoriae. Despite the scepticism I kept expressing in this paper, a better insight might be gained in the future. The written sources are mute – which is quite telling and is unlikely to change – contrary to the rich epigraphic record, which provides a huge set of interesting data, but to be approached cautiously nonetheless. The next step is to start thoroughly analysing textile craft tools from Siscia,32 as well as excavating facilities related to that industry in Siscia, which is a more daunting task, but not necessarily impossible to accomplish with a bit of luck. In any case, the only way to credibly asses the real importance and extent of the textile industry activities in Siscia would be to combine all the above mentioned complementary evidence. It is the only approach which might eventually enable us to gain a clearer picture. Archaeological research demands caution. While expressing ideas, conjecturing or speculating are part of the job, one must resist the urge to suggest an answer without very strong arguments, however smart and plausible it might sound. As far as the Roman textile industry is concerned, there is one good example how cautiously theories have to be advanced. An interesting book, « The wool trade of ancient Pompeii », was published by W. O. Moeller back in 1976. The author rather persuasively argued that the city of Pompeii was an important wool processing centre whose products were largely exported. He based his conclusions both on epigraphic and archaeological data, which were used to corroborate his theory.33 To tell the truth, he was not claiming to be the first to express that idea, he basically elaborated the arguments used previously by T. Frank.34 According to Moeller, the textile industry must have been the main economic activity of Pompeii while the most important producers and facility owners presumably had a strong political influence on the local level. Be it as it may, in the following decade Moeller’s arguments were contested, using the very same sources. W. Jongman, influenced by Finley, expressed strong criticism of Moeller’s arguments, considering that most of his interpretation was based on guesswork and wishful thinking. J. Pásztókai-Szeőke started working on this type of material held in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and we may expect interesting results in a not too distant future. 33 Moeller 1976, 72-97; 105-111. 34 Frank 1940, 201-202, 252-253, 261-262; Rostovtzeff 1957,72-73 ; Flohr 2013, 52-53. 32 162 ◆ Roman Siscia and its textile industry He deemed that Moeller was mistaken in his conclusions because his approach has been anachronistic. Jongman came to the conclusion that there is absolutely no evidence that the city of Pompeii had been a significant textile production centre or that textile craftsmen residing there were better organised or had more influence in local politics than their colleagues elsewhere in the Roman Empire.35 Other scholars were less critical but nonetheless admitted that Moeller’s theory needs to be amended.36 His vision of Pompeii as a major wool processing centre with a developed export-oriented textile industry can likely be dismissed but his book remains a decent overview of fulling facilities in Pompeii. He just assumed too much from the available evidence. Jongman further elaborated his scepticism in another paper, where he advised caution while discussing the extent or the importance of the textile industry in a given area, insisting that researchers should not overestimate the information provided by sources in order to avoid erroneous conclusions.37 The same could be said for any data, be it sources, epigraphy or archaeological finds. When we try to reconstruct the past all the available and relevant evidence should be assessed and put in a context, but we must always remember that we have at our disposal only bits and fragments, a tiny portion of what existed once. Thus, getting a complete picture might be an unattainable goal, despite our best efforts. Ivan Radman-Livaja ◆ 163 Alfaro Giner, Carmen A. 1996 „La teinture de draps dans les provinces romaines du nord de l’Afrique“, in M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri, C.Vismara (edd.), L’Africa romana (Atti dell XI convegno di studio, Cartagine, 15-18 dicembre 1994; Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di Storia dell’ Università degli Studi di Sassari 28) 823-836. Blümner, Hugo 1912 Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und Römern (erster Band, zweite Auflage, Leipzig). Borgard, Philippe 2002 „A propos des teinturiers de Pompei: l’exemple de l’officina infectoria V 1, 4.“, in J.-C. Béal and J.-C. Goyon (edd.), Les artisans dans la ville antique (Collection Archéologie et histoire de l’antiquité, Université Lumière – Lyon 2, Volume 6, Lyon). 55-67. Borgard, Philippe; Puybaret, Marie-Pierre 2004 „Le travail de la laine au début de l’Empire: l’apport du modèle pompéien. Quels artisans? Quels équipements? Quelles techniques?“, in C. Alfaro, J. P. Wild, B. 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